Conversion Practices Bill: Tracking its Progress Through the Northern Ireland Assembly

Gyronny Herald Live Tracker graphic showing the Conversion Practices Bill at First Stage.

Eóin Tennyson’s Private Member’s Bill would create three criminal offences relating to attempts to change or suppress sexual orientation or gender identity. This article will follow its progress, scrutiny and the arguments surrounding it.

This is a developing article. It will be updated as the Bill progresses through the Northern Ireland Assembly. The newest developments appear first.


The Northern Ireland Assembly is considering legislation intended to criminalise practices aimed at changing or suppressing a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity.


The Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill, introduced by Alliance Party deputy leader Eóin Tennyson MLA, completed its First Stage on 30 June 2026. It is currently awaiting its Second Stage debate.

Although the Bill has not yet passed its Second Stage, the Assembly’s Committee for Communities has already opened a call for evidence. Members of the public and interested organisations can submit their views until 1 October 2026.

This article will be updated as the Bill progresses, recording its legislative stages, proposed amendments, votes and significant responses from supporters, opponents and affected communities.

What would the Bill do?

As introduced, the Bill would create three criminal offences:

  • providing conversion therapy;
  • engaging in coercive conversion behaviour; and
  • causing or helping someone to leave Northern Ireland to undergo conversion practices.

For the first two offences, the prosecution would have to establish an intention to change or suppress the person’s sexual orientation or gender identity and that physical or psychological harm resulted.

The Bill defines conversion therapy as counselling, talking therapy, coaching, instruction or purported treatment. Coercive behaviour can include violence, threats, controlling someone’s everyday activities, restricting their freedom or repeatedly making them feel frightened, humiliated, degraded, punished or intimidated.

Psychological harm would include fear, alarm or distress.

Consent would not provide a defence. However, each of the proposed offences includes a defence that the accused person’s actions were reasonable in the particular circumstances.

The maximum penalty would be 12 months’ imprisonment or a fine following summary conviction, or two years’ imprisonment or a fine following conviction on indictment.

Healthcare, belief and pastoral conversations

The legislation expressly excludes treatment provided by certain regulated healthcare professionals when it complies with the standards and ethical codes governing their work.

It also states that merely expressing a belief or opinion would not constitute an intention to change or suppress someone’s identity, provided the person is not being directed towards a particular sexual orientation or gender identity.

That distinction is likely to become one of the principal subjects of scrutiny.

The Bill’s supporters argue that expressions of faith and genuinely non-directive pastoral conversations remain protected. Some religious and conservative organisations, however, contend that the absence of a specific exemption for pastoral care, parents and informal community support could create uncertainty.

The precise boundary between expressing a belief, offering support and intentionally directing another person towards suppressing part of their identity will therefore be central to the Assembly’s consideration.

Why has the Bill been introduced?

The Assembly passed non-binding motions supporting action against conversion practices in 2021 and 2024.

Research published in May 2024 by Professor Fidelma Ashe and Dr Danielle Mackle found evidence of conversion practices being offered or undertaken in Northern Ireland during the preceding ten years. Participants described experiences involving young adults and children in spiritual, healthcare and educational settings.

The Department for Communities is not expected to introduce its own legislation during the present Assembly mandate. Tennyson has therefore proceeded by way of a Private Member’s Bill.

Responses to the Bill

Introducing the legislation, Tennyson said its purpose was to protect LGBTQIA+ people from acts causing physical or psychological harm and intended to change or suppress who they are.

Northern Ireland Humanists welcomed its introduction, arguing that any prohibition must protect both gay and transgender people and must not contain loopholes allowing coercive practices to continue in religious settings. Coordinator Boyd Sleator described the Bill as an important step towards recognising that being LGBT+ is not something requiring a cure. Read its response⁠.

Core Issues Trust and the International Foundation for Therapeutic and Counselling Choice have opposed aspects of the legislation. They argue that, while abusive and coercive conduct should not be defended, the Bill does not expressly recognise what they describe as lawful pastoral care outside regulated healthcare. Read their statement⁠.

Further responses will be added as they are published.


Gyronny Herald comment

The central principle should be straightforward: nobody should be subjected to coercion, humiliation or purported treatment because somebody else believes that their sexual orientation or gender identity must be changed or suppressed.

That principle does not require the criminalisation of private belief, theological teaching or genuinely open pastoral conversation. The Bill itself attempts to preserve that distinction by requiring intent, harm and, in cases of coercive behaviour, a repeated course of conduct.

Those safeguards deserve careful legal scrutiny. So too does the breadth of “psychological harm”, which includes fear, alarm or distress. The Assembly must ensure that the legislation is sufficiently precise to be enforceable, while resisting attempts to create exemptions broad enough to permit harmful practices to continue behind the language of religion, counselling, parental concern or supposed consent.

Religious freedom protects the right to hold and express beliefs. It should not provide permission to subject another person to a deliberate programme intended to suppress who they are.

The proper question is not whether faith and LGBTQIA+ dignity can coexist. Many people already embody both. The question is where lawful belief ends and coercive conduct causing harm begins.

That boundary must be drawn carefully—but it must be drawn.

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